The Republic of Niger is grappling with yet another military coup.
The key players in the unfolding drama include not just domestic military forces, but also the not-so-invisible influence of international powers. A legacy of French colonialism and the United States’ global war on terror looms large over the region.
With nearly 500,000 square miles of landlocked territory bordered by seven neighboring states, Niger is saddled with a history of military interventions. Most recently, however, under the leadership of President Mohamed Bazoum, the country has been seen as a “model of stability” and “model of democracy” in a region marred by political imbalance. This military coup has shattered those prospects and exposed the fragility of democracy in West Africa.
On July 28, the head of Niger’s presidential guard, General Abdourahamane Tchiani, declared himself head of state after the military seized power. The U.S. and France, allies in the fight against terrorism in the region, have threatened to sever ties with Niger and suspend military cooperation in response.
Several factors contributed to the coup. One of those was dissatisfaction over the government’s handling of security issues, particularly the increasing threat of terrorism in the region. Military leaders believed the civilian government was not doing enough to protect the country’s 27 million residents. Next, allegations of embezzlement and mismanagement of public funds cemented perceptions of government corruption, energizing the environment for such a coup d’état.
Distress over the lack of economic development and high unemployment were real: Although endowed with valuable resources, including some of the globe’s largest uranium deposits, Niger has been unable to parlay these advantages into sustained economic development. Instead, the country, which is recognized as a Heavily Indebted Poor Country, retains an economy based on subsistence agriculture and the export of raw commodities.
The legacy of the war on terrorism
Niger’s strategic geographic location makes it an important player in the global war on terror — or at least a busy military bus stop. American and French troops are stationed in the country. Drones are used by the U.S. to check and combat terrorist organizations, effectively or not. Tensions are high within Niger’s military, terrorist tempers are inflamed, and foreign interventions bring into question the impact of out-of-state military meddling in the region. Niger is also home to several insurgent groups, such as Al-Qaeda and Islamic State affiliates, as well as Boko Haram operating throughout the Sahel region. The presence of French forces, particularly the French military operation known as Operation Barkhane, has been controversial. Critics argue that French counterterrorism interventions and growing U.S. security assistance in the Sahel have not effectively addressed the root causes of instability and have instead fueled resentment among certain segments of the population.
Before the attacks of Sept. 11, 2001, terrorism wasn’t considered a significant threat in Niger or the West African region. After the terrorist strikes of 9/11 against the U.S., the global landscape changed. The U.S. launched its eye-for-an-eye battle against terrorism, targeting the viciously disruptive groups, their leaders and supporters worldwide.
Colonialism and its aftermath
Niger, like many African nations, has long grappled with the legacy of colonialism. The influence of France in the region has shaped the dynamics of power, contributing to a sense of resentment against France among military factions that orchestrated the coup. This has now led the Niger’s military rulers to turn to Russia for assistance.
Niger gained its independence from France in 1960 after more than six decades of Parisian rule. A lasting impact of that governance has been the centralization of power in the hands of a few Nigerien elites. During Niger’s colonial days, the French established a system of direct, then indirect, rule; local chiefs were appointed as intermediaries between the colonial administration and the population. The system has continued, with power concentrated in the hands of a small group of politicians and military officials.
Further, French rule in the African colony relied on Niger’s extractive industries for revenues, particularly uranium mining. The French exploited Niger’s rich mineral resources, continuing to do so even after independence through different agreements and partnerships. The result: economic inequality and limited diversification within the rickety economy, leaving many Nigeriens marginalized and discontented. The coup can be seen as a reaction to this economic imbalance and a desire for greater control over the country’s resources.
French colonial rule left a legacy of weak institutions and limited capacity for governance. The ruling French administration focused primarily on maintaining control over its West African colony and extracting its resources, rather than building strong institutions or investing in human capital. Consequently, Niger’s ability to effectively govern itself and address the needs of its population was hindered, which created a fertile ground for the coup.
Coup du jour
Of aid supplied by the U.S. over the years, military assistance and weapons have outpaced infrastructure and development support. Included in the military largesse is the training of officers and insertion of advisors into Niger. The U.S. role often includes boots on the ground when it comes to troubles in West Africa: U.S.-trained military officers have taken part in no less than 11 coups in West Africa since 2008.
West Africa is a hotbed for unrest, littered with heartrending statistics. Since 2010, there have been 40-plus coups or attempted overthrows in Africa; half have occurred in West Africa and the Sahel. Has military assistance from the U.S. backfired? With the increase in such aid has come a dramatic increase in terrorism in the region. Investigative news organization The Intercept notes that last year, in Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger alone, more than 2,700 terrorist attacks were recorded.
Conclusion
The military coup in Niger has laid bare the challenges faced by West Africa in its quest for stability and democracy. The complex interplay of historical, geopolitical and security factors has contributed to the current crisis. Now, the complexities of West Africa’s political landscape must be grappled with. This is no simple task.
Military intervention is less likely to bring peace and stability to Niger. That is why the African Union has ruled out support for the Economic Community of West African States’ proposed military intervention. To ensure stability and promote democratic governance, the international community, ideally under the auspices of the United Nations, should prioritize dialogue with the Nigerien leaders including General Abdourahamane Tchiani and the leaders of a military junta. The U.S. has opted to keep the doors open to engaging with the junta. Keeping the crisis confined to Niger can help negotiators prevent the crisis from spreading throughout the region.
The next step is looking beyond the war on terror paradigm of focusing on security assistance at the expense of development aid. In the end addressing the root causes of instability and the factors that motivated the coup is one way to break the cycle of recurring coups in Niger. By investing in education, infrastructure, and job creation, the international community can provide the Nigerien people with a sense of hope and opportunity, reducing the appeal of extremist ideologies. It is crucial to prioritize the long-term interests of Niger’s people and work collaboratively to address the root causes of instability in the country and not just focus on providing military assistance to fight extremist groups.
The military coup in Niger has highlighted the urgent need for a shift in the international community’s approach toward the country. Military interventions and the war on terror’s security paradigm have failed to bring lasting peace and stability to Niger. Instead, a diplomatic and humanitarian approach is necessary to address the root causes of instability and promote democratic governance.
About the Author
Christopher Zambakari holds a Doctor of Law and Policy degree from Northeastern University and is chief executive officer of The Zambakari Advisory. He is a Hartley B. and Ruth B. Barker Endowed Rotary Peace Fellow and the assistant editor of The Bulletin of the Sudan Studies Association. His areas of research and expertise are international law and security, political reform and economic development, governance and democracy, conflict management and prevention, and nation- and state-building processes in Africa and in the Middle East. His work has been published in leading law, economic and public policy journals.
Dr. Christopher Zambakari, MBA, MIS, LP.D.
Founder & CEO, The Zambakari Advisory
Hartley B. and Ruth B. Barker Endowed Rotary Peace Fellow
Assistant Editor, Bulletin of The Sudan Studies Association